Pitfalls and potentials for localism:
A model for internationalized solutions

By K. W. James Rochow
President, Trust for Lead Poisoning Prevention

CitNet member Jim Schulman of Sustainable Communities Initiatives shares community development ideas with local officials from Uzbekistan. The Uzbeks visited CitNet's office as part of their multi-city U.S. tour sponsored by the State Department.

Linking U.S. groups to foreign counterparts and international processes is one of the most important functions CitNet and other NGO-based networks perform. The limits of localism, the growing opportunities for interlocal communication, and the current belligerent isolationism of the U.S. necessitate increased internationalized efforts to promote sustainable development. Although the international system remains a static state-centered system on paper, it presents dynamic opportunities for participation in its operation. An exemplary model for such efforts can be found in the Trust For Lead Poisoning's International Action Plan For Preventing Lead Poisoning and in the operation of the Global Lead Network.

(Note: “Internationalized” is used to denote a dynamic that transcends both narrow localism and literal inter-nationalism.)

Localism Reconsidered

Variations on the concept of localism have provided many of the animating mantras of the modern environmental (and by extension, sustainable development) movement, a concept embraced by its poets, philosophers, and thinkers including Amory Lovins, E. F. Schumacher, and Gary Snyder: Think Globally, Act Locally, Small Is Beautiful, Local Knowledge. Localism particularly resonates with American myths of frontier self-sufficiency, village democracy, and the simple life.

Localism is also increasingly highlighted as an overarching principle in international declarations and agendas concerned with sustainable development, often expressed in terms of devolution of governmental functions to enable more direct citizen participation. The Habitat II agenda, for example, has a whole section devoted to decentralization under the rubric of “Capacity-Building and Institutional Development” (Section IV D. 2.).

In fact, localism does posses an organic relationship to sustainable development and should remain one of its pillars. The multiple efficiencies of sustainable local consumption of local products and resources present one cogent example of the benefits of localism. Athenian democracy remains an ideal, sometimes realized in such localized institutions as the New England town meeting. Many environmental problems, including lead poisoning and pollution, have variations that necessitate solutions tailored to local circumstances. A grounded sense of place has poetic and spiritual as well as political dimensions.

But localism also functions as a piety that disguises or justifies fragmentation, enforced weakness, tribalism, and social retrogression. Localism often provides a rhetorical smokescreen to slough off unfunded responsibilities to local governments and undercut efforts to enforce social responsibility. As books such as Harry Caudill's Night Comes To The Cumberlands dramatically illustrate, localism in the worst case is used to justify neo-colonist exploitation of people and resources that weak or co-opted local governments are unable or unwilling to resist. The evolution of environmental legislation in the United States was toward the imposition of uniform minimum national standards to overcome local competition to attract industry by creating pollution havens. More basically, localism can lead to “reinvention of the wheel” through repetition of mistakes and duplication of effort uninformed by the instructive experience of other communities and regions.

At the level of international process, too, localism often remains a pious profession rather than an enacted reality. The Trust For Lead Poisoning Prevention has made a point of inviting groups in the New York City metropolitan area to its various side events at the Commission for Sustainable Development and other United Nations meetings. Uniformly, those groups—many of them outward looking and representing Third World communities—were unaware of, much less engaged with, UN agencies and processes that bore on issues of highest concern to them. That lack of engagement highlights the need for workable models that dynamically harness and integrate effective action at all levels—from the municipal to the global.

Systematic engagement of U.S. groups with the broader world is especially imperative at this moment. The U.S. currently stands in a peculiar position of bellicose unilateralism that combines the worst aspects of isolationism and interventionism. Interlocal sustainable development initiatives powered by civil society provide urgently needed counter-balancing examples of constructive cooperation toward achieving common goals of the international community.

Internationalized Solutions

The preceding overview highlights the limitations of a fragmented parochialism as an antidote to pervasive pieties extolling localism in the abstract. This section attempts to catalyze further analysis and discussion by sketching some exemplary elements of a successful dynamic that integrates the undoubted strengths of local knowledge and grounded experience into a broader internationalized effort. Such integration is reciprocal: local knowledge and grounded experience inform solutions in other communities and at different levels, while extra-local organizations and initiatives can be invoked to support and reinforce local efforts. Local groups can even effectively participate at the international level by utilizing networks to find points of dynamic opportunity to influence government positons and the outcomes of international processes.

The following elements are derived from the Trust For Lead Poisoning's International Action Plan For Preventing Lead Poisoning and the experience of the Global Lead Network. Lead poisoning and pollution requires internationalized solutions because the problem is both genuinely inter-national, owing to discharges, emissions, products, practices, and populations that cross national boundaries, and quintessentially local, because of wide local variations in exposure source concentrations.

1)      Local knowledge of international context

Local communities should systematically explore the ultimate sources of their problems through empirical investigation and research that results in a more fundamental understanding. In cases of communities with an actual or potential lead problem, groups should comprehensively assess the imported aspects of the problem. “Imported aspects” should include imported consumer products (and wastes). But that phrase should also encompass blood lead screening of immigrated populations, such as children adopted from abroad. In addition, the products and artifacts of continuing cultural practices—such as home remedies and cosmetics—must be evaluated for toxicity. Conversely, groups should consider whether their own communities are the source of exposures elsewhere, for example the export of locally generated products or wastes.

Community groups should research and reflect upon the international context of their problems concurrently with their empirical assessments. Legal/institutional analysis of international trade agreements and treaties that may prohibit or control the movement of lead-containing products and wastes is basic to understanding the structural context of the problem. Considering the possible sources of indigenous exposures that may have caused lead poisoning in children of foreign origin serves to increase empathetic understanding of other communities and receptivity to internationalized solutions. A culturally sensitive anthropological perspective can help reveal and explain why cultural practices are often fossilized—and thus the use of certain lead-containing products can continue in immigrant communities when they are no longer found in their home countries.

2) Interlocal communication

Interlocal communication is the bedrock of internationalized solutions. It allows local groups to take advantage of modern communications technology to share best practices and instructive experience directly and relatively inexpensively with each other and with the world across national boundaries. It is now a commonplace to point out that the range of options offered by information technology extend from passive postings to virtual conferences in real time. The Internet also provides an accessible portal for local groups to link to international processes. (Although governments and others continue to try to censor Internet communications, the characteristics of the medium guarantee the ultimate failure of those efforts.)

3) Multiplication of networks

The formation and multiplication of relevant NGO-based electronic networks helps facilitate and reinforce local efforts. Such networks first and foremost serve as the basic instruments of interlocal communication. (It is important that NGO networks resist the seductions of technological glitz to find an appropriate level of technology that allows maximum interactive participation by local groups, especially those in developing countries.) NGO networks have a multiplier or synergistic effect by convening, catalyzing, and as appropriate representing their local members at international and regional events (see #6, below). NGO networks can mobilize their members by posting reports and reporting back to them on conferences and proceedings as they occur. This kind of nearly instantaneous communication can in turn allow local groups to communicate their opinions and positions back to their NGO and government representatives on an on-going basis even at far-away meetings and proceedings.

The multiplication of both horizontal and vertical networks helps to reinforce, not confuse or undercut, the effective participation of local groups in internationalized solutions. The proliferation of issue networks helps local groups connect with other similar groups, but also allows them to broaden the base of their knowledge and support by linking to related issues and agendas. A local group concerned with lead poisoning, for example, can help develop and promote needed interdisciplinary solutions by linking to networks concerned with environmental health, housing, consumer protection, and sustainable development. To take an example of vertical participation, local groups often can benefit from participation in regional networks because instructive regional differences in context and approach typically play out against a common frame of underlying reference (see #5, below).

4) “Squeeze play” strategies

The definition of internationalized solutions includes best practices adopted or adapted by one community from the interlocally communicated experience of other communities. But the concept of internationalized solutions also includes broader strategies designed to take advantage of the capacities of all levels and all actors in the international system. Putting a squeeze play on national governments though concerted “upward” pressure by local groups and “downward” pressure by international agencies and organizations has often proven successful. The effort to phase out leaded gasoline worldwide has greatly benefited from the persuasive pressure the World Bank and other international organizations have placed on national governments concomitantly with phase-out campaigns initiated by informed and energetic local groups. In the Ishigaki (Japan) case, local fishermen who wanted to protect their coral reef fishing area from an airport development plan successfully petitioned the IUCN (The World Conservation Union) to place that reef on its list of areas of biological significance that should be preserved and protected. Although the list is technically unenforceable because the IUCN is an NGO, the fishermen were able to use the reef's inclusion to convince the Japanese government to conduct an environmental impact assessment, which it had resisted doing.

5) Regional approaches

Local groups can also exploit levels between the local and the international to advance sustainable development. Regional approaches can often prove effective, particularly because countries in a region typically share underlying assumptions and mindsets notwithstanding their often pronounced cultural and political differences. Regional fora, for example, can serve to use models of competitive emulation to highlight countries in the regional vanguard of a sustainable development issue in order to exert subtle or overt pressure on “fence sitting” and “stick in the mud” countries. Local groups can advance their agenda in such a setting by serving as a constituency of support if their country is in the vanguard and as a catalyst for improvement if is lagging. In addition, regional fora often provide the opportunity for local groups from more NGO unfriendly countries to elevate their status to a place of equality in the proceedings.

6) International fora

Many aspects of international fora and processes understandably discourage local groups, including the time and expense of participating in far away meetings and their characteristic proliferation of lofty rhetoric apparently unaccompanied by action for implementation. If opportunistically utilized, however, international fora can play an important role in advancing internationalized solutions for sustainable development. Despite the advantages of electronic communication, it is important on occasion to meet foreign counterparts face-to-face and international fora efficiently maximize opportunities to do so. Networks can facilitate such meetings through side events and communicate back to local groups not able to attend the event (see #3, above). While the implementation gap is real and international organizations lack independent authority to take direct action (although they may often condition grants or loans), international declarations of principle are important because they have been endorsed by governments and can serve as the basis for advocacy pressure such as the “squeeze play” strategy (see #4, above).

One of the paradoxical features of international fora is they often provide easier and more concentrated access by local groups to their own and foreign governments. The Habitat II conference (Istanbul 1996) provided one example of the creative use of that access in an internationalized context: the U.S. delegation and the Trust cooperated to arrange meetings between local groups representing Third World communities in the U.S. with developing country governments that helped overcome the resistance of the latter to making lead poisoning prevention an international priority.

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K.W. James Rochow

K. W. James Rochow is President of the Trust For Lead Poisoning Prevention.

The Trust For Lead Poisoning Prevention has been waging a comprehensive interdisciplinary attack on lead poisoning and toxics pollution in the developing world for a decade.

The Trust's mission is to achieve prevention through policy innovation, advocacy, partnerships, and proactive education/public awareness. Its main programs are the Global Lead Network and the Global Lead Initiative.

The Trust also partners with international foundations, institutions, and Network members to implement regional and local projects.

Contact info

K. W. James Rochow
President
Trust for Lead Poisoning Prevention
33 Alexandria Drive
Oxon Hill MD 20745
USA

Tel: +1-301-567-4700
Fax: +1-301-567-7885
Email: jrochow@globalleadnet.org



CitNet News Summer 2005, #32

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